His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia
Speaks on Education
Humanity by nature is gifted to think freely, but in order that his free thouht should lead him to the goal of liberty and independence, his way of thinkingmust be shaped by the process of education.
It is understood that the independence of mind created by education individually will have as result the creation of an independently minded nation.
When we compare the number of schools functioning in Ethiopia today with those that existed before the occupation of the enemy, we can view with keen ssatisfaction the advancement achieved within the past five years.
We are sowing seeds on fertile soil and schools are springing up throughout the land attended by a youth of today who is thirsty for knowledge...
We are doing all we can to open thousands of additional schools all over the empire. Preparation is well under way for the opening of a large university in Addis Abeba.
Education, work and diligence are the main foudation of our national existence. We call upon all Ethiopians to send their children to the nearest school, for it is suicide and a crime against the responsibility which God places on all parents not to educate one's own children.
The catastrophe which was brought about by human hands during the past can be avoided in the future by religion and hope in God which should be the heart of the people.
And this can be achieved by education which if not borne by the youth, the effort which is made for peace will be in vain.
We hope that at the Conference of Peace which will be held in the near future those who will be responsible shall be inspired with the profound idea of justice towards human cause and human rights.
July 1946

His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia
Blessed are the Peacemakers
Address to the United Nations, 1963.
The United Nations' judgments have been and continue to be subject to frustation, as individual mumber-state have ignored its pronouncements and disregarded its recommendations.
The Organization's sinews have been weakened, as member states have shirked their obligations to it.
The authority of the Organization has been mocked, as individual member-states have proceeded, in violation of its command, to pursue their own aims and ends.
The troubles which continue to plague us virtually all arise among member states of teh Organization, but the Organization remains impotent to enforce acceptable solutions.
As the maker and enforcer of the international law, what the United Nations has achieved still falles regrettably short of our goal of an international community of nations.
This does not mean that the United Nations has failed. I have lived too long to cherish many illusions about the essential high-mindedness of men when brought to start confrontation with the issu of control over their security, and their property interests. Not even now, when so much is at hazard would many nations willingly entrust their destinies to other hands.
Yet, this is the ultimatum presented to us: secure the conditions whereby men will entrust their security to a larger entity, or risk annihilation; persuade men that their salvation rests in the subordination of natinoal and local interests to the interests of humanity, or endanger man's future.
These are the objectives, yesterday unobtaiable, today essential, which we must labor to achieve.
Until this is accomplished, mankind's future remains hazardous and permanent peace a matter for speculation.
There is no single magic formula, no one simple step, no words, whether written into the Organizations's Charter or into a treaty between states, which can automatically guarantee to us what we seek.
Peace is a day-to-day problem, the product of a multitude of events and judgments. Peace is not an "is", it is an "becoming". We cannot escape the dreadful possibility of a catastrophe by miscalculation. Bue we can reach the right decision on the myriad subordinate problems which each new day poses, and we can thereby make our contribution - and perhaps the most that can be reasonably expected of us in 1963 - to the preservation of peace. It is her that the United Nations hasd served us - not perfectly, but well. And enhancing the possibilities that the Organization may serve us better, we serve and bring closer our cherished goals.


His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia
You know that there are a lot of reasons for Ethio-Eritrean oneness> The relation of the people of Eritrea with Ethiopia is not confined to the political aspect...
When our country was invaded, a great number of Eritreans who were physically and otherwise fit, abondoned the enemy and fought at our side... When later on the Federation of Eritrea with the Motherland was being debated, they came on our side, recalling their past historical riches, and proved our historical oneness before the world forum.
Those who, in the light of all these historical ties and evidenceds of unity, are coming betweenus on religious, ethical and other grounds, are doing so not for our benefit but for that of their own.
This can easily be understood. That former colonial powers are benefitting from creating dicord among geographically, economically, historically and ethnically linked people in Africa and other parts of the world in order to maintain their former authority is known not only to those who can read but to the illetrates as well. Nobody knows better than we Africans that the policy of divide and rule are the aspirations of those who seek to benefit at others' expense.
Being aware of the attacks and tricks of imperialism, Ethiopia has been the first African country who waged war against such powers and through her unity, has presserved her liberty through victories as in the recent case of Adua.
More than being an example to the rest of teh African states after the Second World War, Ethiopia struggled alone in International Conferences, for African independence with no other free African nations to support her as at present. No greater testimony could be available to the resistance made by our patriots against the enemy on seven fronts with the use of outdated weapons than the heroic activities of our fathers, relying upon god the Almighty.
Existing conditions have made it impossible for the former colonialist powers to remain in Africa. They have resorted to the idea of dividing the peoples... There are certain states who participate as supporters in conferences held for African unity and are at the same time engaged in acts that would divide Africa... No doubt that people of a country who have fought incessantly for their independence understand that unity is the foundation of liberty.
Cooperation and unity are the sources of respect. Itis also the source of strength. It has been known from time immemorial in human history that no person is able to understand and solve one's own problem than one's self...
The age we are living in is one in which the value of unity is being appreciated more than ever before. On our part, we have triumphed over the attempt to divide us. A foreign hand is concerned about itself; it will not work for us. It is essential that we bear in mind the fact that at a time when we are exploring ways and means of forging unity with neighboring countries, divisions among ourelves will not only be an obstacle but that it will also open the door to our enemies. May God the Almighty guide you in the heavy resonsibility with which we have entrusted you.
June 27, 1962

Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) form a critical link in black America's centuries-long struggle for freedom, justice, and equality. As the leader of the largest organized mass movement in black history and progenitor of the modern "black is beautiful" ideal, Garvey is now best remembered as a champion of the back-to-Africa movement. In his own time he was hailed as a redeemer, a "Black Moses." Though he failed to realize all his objectives, his movement still represents a liberation from the psychological bondage of racial inferiority.

Garvey was born on 17 August 1887 in St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica. He left school at 14, worked as a printer, joined Jamaican nationalist organizations, toured Central America, and spent time in London. Content at first with accommodation, on his return to Jamaica, he aspired to open a Tuskegee-type industrial training school. In 1916 he came to America at Booker T. Washington's invitation, but arrived just after Washington died.

Garvey arrived in America at the dawn of the "New Negro" era. Black discontent, punctuated by East St. Louis's bloody race riots in 1917 and intensified by postwar disillusionment, peaked in 1919's Red Summer. Shortly after arriving, Garvey embarked upon a period of travel and lecturing. When he settled in New York City, he organized a chapter of the UNIA, which he had earlier founded in Jamaica as a fraternal organization. Drawing on a gift for oratory, he melded Jamaican peasant aspirations for economic and cultural independence with the American gospel of success to create a new gospel of racial pride. "Garveyism" eventually evolved into a religion of success, inspiring millions of black people worldwide who sought relief from racism and colonialism.

To enrich and strengthen his movement, Garvey envisioned a great shipping line to foster black trade, to transport passengers between America, the Caribbean, and Africa, and to serve as a symbol of black grandeur and enterprise. The UNIA incorporated the Black Star Line in 1919. The line's flagship, the S.S. Yarmouth, made its maiden voyage in November and two other ships joined the line in 1920. The Black Star Line became a powerful recruiting tool for the UNIA, but it was ultimately sunk by expensive repairs, discontented crews, and top-level mismanagement and corruption.

By 1920 the UNIA had hundreds of chapters worldwide; it hosted elaborate international conventions and published the Negro World, a widely disseminated weekly that was soon banned in many parts of Africa and the Caribbean. Over the next few years, however, the movement began to unravel under the strains of internal dissension, opposition from black critics, and government harassment. In 1922 the federal government indicted Garvey on mail fraud charges stemming from Black Star Line promotional claims and he suspended all BSL operations. (Two years later, the UNIA created another line, the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Co., but it, too, failed.) Garvey was sentenced to prison. The government later commuted his sentence, only to deport him back to Jamaica in November 1927. He never returned to America.

In Jamaica Garvey reconstituted the UNIA and held conventions there and in Canada, but the heart of his movement stumbled on in America without him. While he dabbled in local politics, he remained a keen observer of world events, writing voluminously in his own papers. His final move was to London, in 1935. He settled there shortly before Fascist Italy invaded Ethiopia and his public criticisms of Haile Selassie's behavior after the invasion alienated many of his own remaining followers. In his last years he slid into such obscurity that he suffered the final indignity of reading his own obituaries a month before his 10 June 1940 death.